Defining the indefinable?
Louk Box*
Try to define the notion of development and one redefines one’s own ideals. Development then means no more than one’s wish list. Yet we know that development-in-practice has meant ever so many unexpected consequences, failures or misunderstandings. How come?
This was the exact question that we discussed in the working groups during week 1 of the course – and the question that formed the base of the lecture on ‘Theorising Development’. The working groups had done their homework, and made it clear that the notion of development is an ambiguous and multi-facetted one. Each period in (European) history appears to have formed its own conception of ‘good change’ as Robert Chambers has called it. Aristotle, we were reminded, had a view on reform which stressed class or even caste differences: for the citizenry-elite he pleaded one strategy, for the non-citizen-slaves he recommended something else. During the industrial revolution, ‘development’ came to mean as much as the promotion of industrial capitalism on the one hand, and dealing with the victims of capitalism on the other hand. After World War II, Alan Thomas and Jan Nederveen Pieterse stress the ‘modernization’ meaning of development, followed by alternative approaches stressing inequality and human development.
And now, where do we stand? According to Thomas and Pieterse different schools of thought compete for our attention. On the one hand there are the Post-Developmentalists, rejecting the very notion of development as a hoax, or at least the value of development theories (as irrelevant). They form a curious lot, those Post-developmentalists: social constructivists who relativise the notion of development, theoretical anarchists like Easterly who disqualify past theories as ineffective, or political anarchists who reject the State as a prime mover in social development. Are we then left with nothing at all?
Perhaps not. Perhaps there are theories of the Middle Range (as Robert Merton called them) which can help us understand certain phenomena associated with globalisation. Perhaps some of the Golden Oldies of yesteryear can help us interpret some macro-phenomena like increasing inequalities among emerging social classes in the Global South and the North. Take Karl Polanyi, author of The Great Transformation and briefly mentioned by Alan Thomas. Or perhaps Hardt & Negri, the authors of the most unreadable book of the year 2000, Empire – arguing that a new global social structure is emerging, which sets its own dynamic. And finally, there is the argument by Kofi Annan, reflected in the Millennium Declaration that we need to move beyond traditional development cooperation towards new forms of international commitment and solidarity.
There remains, in other words, enough to wonder about in this curious world called Development Studies, provided we clearly contextualise our notion of development. If we do so, even defining the indefinable becomes possible.
* Column written for participants of the ISS General Course Development Theories and Strategies (24 9 2007)
Rabu, 26 September 2007
Kamis, 13 September 2007
international criminal court
International Criminal Court
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The official logo of the ICC
The International Criminal Court (ICC) was established in 2002 as a permanent tribunal to prosecute individuals for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression, although it cannot currently exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression.[1] The court came into being on July 1, 2002 — the date its founding treaty, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, entered into force[2] — and it can only prosecute crimes committed on or after that date.[3]
As of August 2007, 104 states are members of the Court; Japan will become the 105th state party on 1 October 2007.[4] A further 41 countries have signed but not ratified the Rome Statute.[5] However, a number of states, including China, India and the United States, are critical of the Court and have not joined.
The Court can generally exercise jurisdiction only in cases where the accused is a national of a state party, the alleged crime took place on the territory of a state party, or a situation is referred to the Court by the United Nations Security Council.[6] The Court is designed to complement existing national judicial systems: it can exercise its jurisdiction only when national courts are unwilling or unable to investigate or prosecute such crimes.[7][8] Primary responsibility to punish crimes is therefore left to individual states.
To date, the Court has opened investigations into four situations: Northern Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic and Darfur.[9] The Court has issued eight arrest warrants[10] and one suspect, Thomas Lubanga, is in custody, awaiting trial.[11]
The official seat of the ICC is in The Hague, Netherlands, but its proceedings may take place anywhere.[12] The Court is separate from, and should not be confused with, the International Court of Justice (often referred to as the “World Court”), which is the United Nations organ that settles disputes between nations.
"International Criminal Court" is sometimes abbreviated as ICCt to distinguish it from several other organizations abbreviated as ICC. However, the more common abbreviation "ICC" is
History
[edit] Early development
In 1948, following the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, the United Nations General Assembly recognised the need for a permanent international court to deal with atrocities of the kind committed during World War II.[13] At the request of the General Assembly, the International Law Commission drafted two draft statutes by the early 1950s but these were shelved as the Cold War made the establishment of an international criminal court politically unrealistic.[14]
A. N. R. Robinson, then Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, revived the idea during the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly in 1989, proposing the creation of a permanent international court to deal with the international drug trade.[14][15] While work began on a draft statute, the international community established ad hoc tribunals to try war crimes in the former Yugoslavia[16] and Rwanda,[17] further highlighting the need for a permanent international criminal court.[18]
[edit] Adoption and entry into force of the Rome Statute
Following years of negotiations, the General Assembly convened a conference in Rome, Italy, in June 1998, with the aim of finalising a treaty. On July 17, 1998, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was adopted by a vote of 120 to 7, with 21 countries abstaining. The seven countries that voted against the treaty were Iraq, Israel, Libya, the People's Republic of China, Qatar, the United States, and Yemen.[19]
The Rome Statute became a binding treaty on April 11, 2002, when the number of countries that had ratified it reached 60.[2] The Statute legally came into force on July 1, 2002,[2] and the Court can only prosecute crimes committed after that date.[3]
The first bench of 18 judges was elected by an Assembly of States Parties in February 2003. They were sworn in at the inaugural session of the Court on March 11, 2003.[20] The Court issued its first arrest warrants on 8 July 2005,[21] and the first pre-trial hearings were held in 2006.[22]
[edit] Membership
World map of ICC member states, as of August 2007
Main article: States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
As of August 2007, 104 countries have ratified or acceded to the court, including nearly all of Europe and South America, and roughly half the countries in Africa.[23][5]
Japan will become a state party on 1 October 2007, bringing the total number to 105.[4] A further 41 states have signed but not ratified the treaty;[5] the law of treaties obliges these states to refrain from “acts which would defeat the object and purpose” of the treaty.[24] In 2002, two of these states, the United States and Israel, "unsigned" the Rome Statute, indicating that they no longer intend to become States Parties and, as such, they have no legal obligations arising from their signature of the statute.[5][25][26]
See also: United States and the International Criminal Court
[edit] Jurisdiction
[edit] Crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court
Article 5 of the Rome Statute grants the Court jurisdiction over four groups of crimes, which it refers to as the “most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole”: the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. The statute defines each of these crimes except for aggression: it provides that the Court will not exercise its jurisdiction over the crime of aggression until such time as the states parties agree on a definition of the crime and set out the conditions under which it may be prosecuted.[1]
Many states wanted to add terrorism and drug trafficking to the list of crimes covered by the Rome Statute; however, the states were unable to agree on a definition for terrorism and it was decided not to include drug trafficking as this might overwhelm the Court's limited resources.[13] India lobbied to have the use of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction included as war crimes, but this move was also defeated.[27]
Article 123 of the Rome Statute provides that a Review Conference shall be convened in 2009, and that this conference may review the list of crimes contained in Article 5.[28] The final resolution on adoption of the Rome Statute specifically recommended that terrorism and drug trafficking be reconsidered at this conference.[29]
[edit] Territorial jurisdiction
During the negotiations that led to the Rome Statute, a large number of states argued that the Court should be allowed to exercise universal jurisdiction. However, this proposal was defeated due in large part to opposition from the United States.[30] A compromise was reached, allowing the Court to exercise jurisdiction only under certain limited circumstances, namely:
1. Where the person accused of committing a crime is a national of a state party (or where the person's state has accepted the jurisdiction of the Court); or
2. Where the alleged crime was committed on the territory of a state party (or where the state on whose territory the crime was committed has accepted the jurisdiction of the Court); or
3. Where a situation is referred to the Court by the UN Security Council.[6]
[edit] Temporal jurisdiction
The Court's jurisdiction does not apply retroactively: it can only prosecute crimes committed on or after 1 July 2002 (the date on which the Rome Statute entered into force). Where a state becomes party to the Rome Statute after that date, the Court can exercise jurisdiction automatically with respect to crimes committed after the statute enters into force for that state.[3]
[edit] Complementarity
The Court is intended as a court of last resort, investigating and prosecuting only where national courts have failed. Article 17 of the Statute provides that a case is inadmissible if:
‘(a) The case is being investigated or prosecuted by a State which has jurisdiction over it, unless the State is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out the investigation or prosecution;
(b) The case has been investigated by a State which has jurisdiction over it and the State has decided not to prosecute the person concerned, unless the decision resulted from the unwillingness or inability of the State genuinely to prosecute;
(c) The person concerned has already been tried for conduct which is the subject of the complaint, and a trial by the Court is not permitted under article 20, paragraph 3;
(d) The case is not of sufficient gravity to justify further action by the Court.’[7]
Article 20, paragraph 3, specifies that, if a person has already been tried by another court, the ICC cannot try them again for the same conduct unless the proceedings in the other court:
‘(a) Were for the purpose of shielding the person concerned from criminal responsibility for crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court; or
(b) Otherwise were not conducted independently or impartially in accordance with the norms of due process recognized by international law and were conducted in a manner which, in the circumstances, was inconsistent with an intent to bring the person concerned to justice.’[8]
The Court consists of four organs: the Presidency, the Judicial Divisions, the Office of the Prosecutor, and the Registry.[31]
[edit] Presidency
The Presidency is responsible for the proper administration of the Court (apart from the Office of the Prosecutor).[32] It comprises the President and the First and Second Vice-Presidents — three judges of the Court who are elected to the Presidency by their fellow judges for a maximum of two three-year terms.[33] The current President of the Court is Philippe Kirsch.[31] Akua Kuenyehia is First Vice-President and René Blattmann is Second Vice-President.[31] All three were elected to their current terms on 11 March 2006.[32]
[edit] Judicial Divisions
Main article: Judges of the International Criminal Court
The Judicial Divisions consist of the 18 judges of the Court, organized into three divisions — the Pre-Trial Division, Trial Division and Appeals Division — which carry out the judicial functions of the Court.[34]
Judges are elected to the Court by the Assembly of States Parties.[34] They serve nine-year terms and are not generally eligible for re-election.[34] All judges must be nationals of States Parties to the Rome Statute, and no two judges may be nationals of the same state.[35] They must be “persons of high moral character, impartiality and integrity who possess the qualifications required in their respective States for appointment to the highest judicial offices”.[35]
The Pre-Trial Division (which comprises the First Vice President and six other judges)[34] confirms indictments and issues international arrest warrants. The Trial Division (the Second Vice President and five other judges) presides over trials. Decisions of the Pre-Trial and Trial Divisions may be appealed to the Appeals Division (the President and four other judges). Judges are assigned to divisions according to their qualifications and experience.[31]
[edit] Office of the Prosecutor
The Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for conducting investigations and prosecutions.[36] It is headed by the Prosecutor, who is assisted by two Deputy Prosecutors.[31] The Rome Statute provides that the Office of the Prosecutor shall act independently;[37] as such, no member of the Office may seek or act on instructions from any external source, such as states, international organisations, non-governmental organisations or individuals.[36]
The current Prosecutor is Luis Moreno-Ocampo of Argentina, who was elected by the Assembly of States Parties on 21 April 2003[38] for a term of nine years.[36]
[edit] Registry
The Registry is responsible for the non-judicial aspects of the administration and servicing of the Court.[39] This includes, among other things, “the administration of legal aid matters, court management, victims and witnesses matters, defence counsel, detention unit, and the traditional services provided by administrations in international organisations, such as finance, translation, building management, procurement and personnel”.[39]
The Registry is headed by the Registrar, who is elected by the judges to a five-year term.[31] The current Registrar is Bruno Cathala.[31]
[edit] Rights of the accused
The Rome Statute provides that all persons are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt,[40] and establishes certain rights of the accused and persons during investigations.[41] These include the right to be fully informed of the charges against him or her; the right to have a lawyer appointed, free of charge; the right to a speedy trial; and the right to examine the witnesses against him or her and to obtain the attendance and examination of witnesses on his or her behalf.
In order to ensure “equality of arms” between defence and prosecution teams, the ICC has established an independent Office of Public Counsel for the Defence (OPCD) to provide logistical support, advice and information to defendants and their counsel.[42][43] The OPCD also helps to safeguard the rights of the accused during the initial stages of an investigation.[44]
[edit] Victim participation and reparations
The Rome Statute provides for victim participation in the Court's proceedings.[45][46] Article 43(6) establishes a Victims and Witnesses Unit to provide "protective measures and security arrangements, counseling and other appropriate assistance for witnesses, victims who appear before the Court, and others who are at risk on account of testimony given by such witnesses."[47] Article 68 sets out procedures for the "Protection of the victims and witnesses and their participation in the proceedings."[48] The Court has also established an Office of Public Counsel for Victims, to provide support and assistance to victims and their legal representatives.[11]
Article 78 of the Rome Statute establishes a Trust Fund to make financial reparations to victims and their families.[49]
[edit] Relationship with the United Nations
The United Nations Security Council may refer situations to the ICC
Unlike the International Court of Justice, the ICC is legally and functionally independent from the United Nations. Nonetheless, the Rome Statute grants the UN a clear role in relation to the Court. The Security Council may refer to the Court situations that would not otherwise fall under the Court's jurisdiction (as it did in relation to the situation in Darfur, which the Court could not otherwise have prosecuted as Sudan is not a state party). Article 16 of the Rome Statute also allows the Security Council to require the Court to defer from investigating a case for a period of 12 months.[50] Such a deferral may be renewed indefinitely by the Security Council.
The Court cooperates with the UN in many different areas, including the exchange of information and logistical support.[51] The Court reports to the UN each year on its activities,[51][52] and some meetings of the Court's governing body, the Assembly of States Parties, are held at UN facilities. The relationship between the Court and the UN is governed by a “Relationship Agreement between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations”.[53][54]
The ICC's interim premises in The Hague
[edit] Headquarters and detention unit
As of 29 September 2006, the ICC’s staff consisted of 444 persons from 74 states.[11] The official seat of the Court is in The Hague, Netherlands, but its proceedings may take place anywhere.[12][55]
The Court is currently housed in interim premises on the eastern edge of The Hague.[56] A number of options are being considered for the Court's permanent headquarters; the Court is currently focusing on a proposal to construct a facility in Alexanderkazerne, on a site currently used as a Dutch army barracks near a beach on the north of The Hague.[56][57]
The ICC currently has twelve detention cells in Scheveningen, a Dutch prison near The Hague.[58] Suspects held by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia are held in the same prison and share some facilities, like the fitness room, but have no contact with suspects held by the ICC.[58] The detention unit is close to the ICC's proposed permanent headquarters in Alexanderkazerne.[59]
The ICC's detention unit currently houses two suspects: Thomas Lubanga and former Liberian President Charles Taylor.[11][60] Taylor is being tried under the mandate and auspices of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, but his trial is being held at the ICC's facilities in the Hague because of political and security concerns about holding the trial in Freetown.[61]
[edit] Situations before the Court
Summary of investigations and prosecutions by the International Criminal Court (as of 1 August 2007)
Situation Referral
(date) Investigation
opened Arrest warrants
issued Arrest
made Trial
commenced Verdict Comments
Northern Uganda
Government of Uganda
(December 2003) July 2004 Joseph Kony
Vincent Otti
Raska Lukwiya
Died 12 August 2006
Okot Odhiambo
Dominic Ongwen
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
Government of the DRC
(March 2004) June 2004 Thomas Lubanga
17 March 2006
Central African Republic (CAR)
Government of the CAR
(December 2004) May 2007
Darfur, Sudan
UN Security Council
(March 2005) June 2005 Ahmed Haroun
Ali Kushayb
Main article: Cases before the International Criminal Court
As of 1 February 2006, the Office of the Prosecutor had received 1732 communications about alleged crimes in 139 countries.[62] After initial review, however, 80% of these communications were found to be “manifestly outside the jurisdiction of the Court”.[62] The Prosecutor has so far opened investigations into just four situations: Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic and Darfur.[9]
[edit] Uganda
In December 2003, the government of Uganda, a state party, referred to the Prosecutor the situation concerning the Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda.[63] On 8 July 2005, the Court issued its first arrest warrants for the Lord's Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony, his deputy Vincent Otti, and LRA commanders Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odiambo, and Dominic Ongwen.[21] The LRA's leaders have repeatedly demanded immunity from ICC prosecution in return for an end to the insurgency,[64] and the government of Uganda has promised not to turn them over to the ICC if they sign a peace deal.[64]
[edit] Democratic Republic of Congo
In March 2004, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo, a state party, referred to the Prosecutor “the situation of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court allegedly committed anywhere in the territory of the DRC since the entry into force of the Rome Statute, on 1 July 2002.”[65][66] On 17 March 2006, Thomas Lubanga, former leader of the Union of Congolese Patriots militia in Ituri, became the first person to be arrested under a warrant issued by the court, for allegedly “conscripting and enlisting children under the age of fifteen years and using them to participate actively in hostilities”.[67]
[edit] Central African Republic
In December 2004, the government of the Central African Republic, a state party, referred to the Prosecutor “the situation of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court committed anywhere on the territory of the Central African Republic since 1 July 2002, the date of entry into force of the Rome Statute.”[68] On 22 May 2007, the Prosecutor announced his decision to open an investigation,[69][70] focusing on allegations of killing and rape in 2002 and 2003, a period of intense fighting between government and rebel forces.[71]
[edit] Darfur, Sudan
On 31 March 2005, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1593, referring “the situation prevailing in Darfur since 1 July 2002” to the Prosecutor.[72] In February 2007 the Prosecutor announced that two men — Sudanese humanitarian affairs minister Ahmad Muhammad Harun and Janjaweed militia leader Ali Kushayb — had been identified as key suspects, accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity.[73] On 2 May 2007, the Court issued arrest warrants for the two men.[74] However, Sudan says the court has no jurisdiction over this matter,[73] and refuses to hand over the suspects.[74]
[edit] Other situations
On 10 February 2006, the Prosecutor published a letter answering complaints connected with the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[75] He noted that the Court's jurisdiction in Iraq was limited to the actions of nationals of States Parties, and that he did not have authority to consider complaints about the legality of the invasion. He concluded that the available information constituted a reasonable basis to believe that a limited number of instances of wilful killing and/or inhuman treatment had occurred, but that the crimes allegedly committed by nationals of States Parties in Iraq did not appear to meet the gravity threshold required for an ICC investigation.[11]
See also: The International Criminal Court and the 2003 invasion of Iraq
[edit] Criticisms of the Court
[edit] Potential for politically motivated prosecutions
Opponents of the Court argue that there are “insufficient checks and balances on the authority of the ICC prosecutor and judges” and “insufficient protection against politicized prosecutions or other abuses”.[76] Henry Kissinger says the checks and balances are so weak that the prosecutor “has virtually unlimited discretion in practice”.[77]
[edit] Lack of due process
According to the Heritage Foundation, “Americans who appear before the court would be denied such basic constitutional rights as trial by a jury of one's peers, protection from double jeopardy, and the right to confront one's accusers.”[26]
However, Human Rights Watch argues that “the ICC has one of the most extensive lists of due process guarantees ever written”, including “presumption of innocence; right to counsel; right to present evidence and to confront witnesses; right to remain silent; right to be present at trial; right to have charges proved beyond a reasonable doubt; and protection against double jeopardy”.[78] According to David Scheffer, who led the US delegation to the Rome Conference (and who voted against adoption of the treaty), “when we were negotiating the Rome treaty, we always kept very close tabs on, ‘Does this meet U.S. constitutional tests, the formation of this court and the due process rights that are accorded defendants?’ And we were very confident at the end of Rome that those due process rights, in fact, are protected, and that this treaty does meet a constitutional test.”[79]
[edit] Inequality of arms between prosecution and defence
Thomas Lubanga's defence team say they have been given a smaller budget than the Prosecutor and that evidence and witness statements have been slow to arrive.[80]
[edit] Interference with national reconciliation processes
In the past, governments have granted amnesty to human rights abusers as part of agreements to end conflict. It is sometimes argued that these amnesties are necessary to allow the peaceful transfer of power from abusive regimes. By denying states the right to offer amnesty to human rights abusers, the International Criminal Court may make it more difficult to negotiate an end to conflict and a transition to democracy. Czech politician Marek Benda argues that “[t]he ICC as a deterrent will in our view only mean the worst dictators will try to retain power at all costs.”[81] For example, the outstanding arrest warrants for four leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army are regarded as an obstacle to ending the insurgency in Uganda.[82][83]
However, the United Nations[84] and the International Committee of the Red Cross[85] maintain that granting amnesty to those accused of war crimes and other serious crimes is a violation of international law. In any case, Article 16 of the Rome Statute allows the Security Council to prevent the Court from investigating or prosecuting a case,[50] and Article 53 allows the Prosecutor the discretion not to initiate an investigation if he or she believes that “an investigation would not serve the interests of justice”.[86]
[edit] Crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court
As noted above, some states were unhappy about the exclusion of terrorism, drug trafficking and the use of weapons of mass destruction from the Court's jurisdiction. The government of India, for example, expressed concern that “the Statute of the ICC lays down, by clear implication, that the use of weapons of mass destruction is not a war crime. This is an extraordinary message to send to the international community.”[27]
Other commentators have argued that the Rome Statute defines crimes too broadly or too vaguely. For example, China has argued that the definition of ‘war crimes’ goes beyond that accepted under customary international law.[87]
Saurlin, reachable at:
saurlin@gmail.com
ma07071@iss.nl
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
• Learn more about using Wikipedia for research •
Jump to: navigation, search
The official logo of the ICC
The International Criminal Court (ICC) was established in 2002 as a permanent tribunal to prosecute individuals for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression, although it cannot currently exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression.[1] The court came into being on July 1, 2002 — the date its founding treaty, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, entered into force[2] — and it can only prosecute crimes committed on or after that date.[3]
As of August 2007, 104 states are members of the Court; Japan will become the 105th state party on 1 October 2007.[4] A further 41 countries have signed but not ratified the Rome Statute.[5] However, a number of states, including China, India and the United States, are critical of the Court and have not joined.
The Court can generally exercise jurisdiction only in cases where the accused is a national of a state party, the alleged crime took place on the territory of a state party, or a situation is referred to the Court by the United Nations Security Council.[6] The Court is designed to complement existing national judicial systems: it can exercise its jurisdiction only when national courts are unwilling or unable to investigate or prosecute such crimes.[7][8] Primary responsibility to punish crimes is therefore left to individual states.
To date, the Court has opened investigations into four situations: Northern Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic and Darfur.[9] The Court has issued eight arrest warrants[10] and one suspect, Thomas Lubanga, is in custody, awaiting trial.[11]
The official seat of the ICC is in The Hague, Netherlands, but its proceedings may take place anywhere.[12] The Court is separate from, and should not be confused with, the International Court of Justice (often referred to as the “World Court”), which is the United Nations organ that settles disputes between nations.
"International Criminal Court" is sometimes abbreviated as ICCt to distinguish it from several other organizations abbreviated as ICC. However, the more common abbreviation "ICC" is
History
[edit] Early development
In 1948, following the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, the United Nations General Assembly recognised the need for a permanent international court to deal with atrocities of the kind committed during World War II.[13] At the request of the General Assembly, the International Law Commission drafted two draft statutes by the early 1950s but these were shelved as the Cold War made the establishment of an international criminal court politically unrealistic.[14]
A. N. R. Robinson, then Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, revived the idea during the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly in 1989, proposing the creation of a permanent international court to deal with the international drug trade.[14][15] While work began on a draft statute, the international community established ad hoc tribunals to try war crimes in the former Yugoslavia[16] and Rwanda,[17] further highlighting the need for a permanent international criminal court.[18]
[edit] Adoption and entry into force of the Rome Statute
Following years of negotiations, the General Assembly convened a conference in Rome, Italy, in June 1998, with the aim of finalising a treaty. On July 17, 1998, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was adopted by a vote of 120 to 7, with 21 countries abstaining. The seven countries that voted against the treaty were Iraq, Israel, Libya, the People's Republic of China, Qatar, the United States, and Yemen.[19]
The Rome Statute became a binding treaty on April 11, 2002, when the number of countries that had ratified it reached 60.[2] The Statute legally came into force on July 1, 2002,[2] and the Court can only prosecute crimes committed after that date.[3]
The first bench of 18 judges was elected by an Assembly of States Parties in February 2003. They were sworn in at the inaugural session of the Court on March 11, 2003.[20] The Court issued its first arrest warrants on 8 July 2005,[21] and the first pre-trial hearings were held in 2006.[22]
[edit] Membership
World map of ICC member states, as of August 2007
Main article: States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
As of August 2007, 104 countries have ratified or acceded to the court, including nearly all of Europe and South America, and roughly half the countries in Africa.[23][5]
Japan will become a state party on 1 October 2007, bringing the total number to 105.[4] A further 41 states have signed but not ratified the treaty;[5] the law of treaties obliges these states to refrain from “acts which would defeat the object and purpose” of the treaty.[24] In 2002, two of these states, the United States and Israel, "unsigned" the Rome Statute, indicating that they no longer intend to become States Parties and, as such, they have no legal obligations arising from their signature of the statute.[5][25][26]
See also: United States and the International Criminal Court
[edit] Jurisdiction
[edit] Crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court
Article 5 of the Rome Statute grants the Court jurisdiction over four groups of crimes, which it refers to as the “most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole”: the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. The statute defines each of these crimes except for aggression: it provides that the Court will not exercise its jurisdiction over the crime of aggression until such time as the states parties agree on a definition of the crime and set out the conditions under which it may be prosecuted.[1]
Many states wanted to add terrorism and drug trafficking to the list of crimes covered by the Rome Statute; however, the states were unable to agree on a definition for terrorism and it was decided not to include drug trafficking as this might overwhelm the Court's limited resources.[13] India lobbied to have the use of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction included as war crimes, but this move was also defeated.[27]
Article 123 of the Rome Statute provides that a Review Conference shall be convened in 2009, and that this conference may review the list of crimes contained in Article 5.[28] The final resolution on adoption of the Rome Statute specifically recommended that terrorism and drug trafficking be reconsidered at this conference.[29]
[edit] Territorial jurisdiction
During the negotiations that led to the Rome Statute, a large number of states argued that the Court should be allowed to exercise universal jurisdiction. However, this proposal was defeated due in large part to opposition from the United States.[30] A compromise was reached, allowing the Court to exercise jurisdiction only under certain limited circumstances, namely:
1. Where the person accused of committing a crime is a national of a state party (or where the person's state has accepted the jurisdiction of the Court); or
2. Where the alleged crime was committed on the territory of a state party (or where the state on whose territory the crime was committed has accepted the jurisdiction of the Court); or
3. Where a situation is referred to the Court by the UN Security Council.[6]
[edit] Temporal jurisdiction
The Court's jurisdiction does not apply retroactively: it can only prosecute crimes committed on or after 1 July 2002 (the date on which the Rome Statute entered into force). Where a state becomes party to the Rome Statute after that date, the Court can exercise jurisdiction automatically with respect to crimes committed after the statute enters into force for that state.[3]
[edit] Complementarity
The Court is intended as a court of last resort, investigating and prosecuting only where national courts have failed. Article 17 of the Statute provides that a case is inadmissible if:
‘(a) The case is being investigated or prosecuted by a State which has jurisdiction over it, unless the State is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out the investigation or prosecution;
(b) The case has been investigated by a State which has jurisdiction over it and the State has decided not to prosecute the person concerned, unless the decision resulted from the unwillingness or inability of the State genuinely to prosecute;
(c) The person concerned has already been tried for conduct which is the subject of the complaint, and a trial by the Court is not permitted under article 20, paragraph 3;
(d) The case is not of sufficient gravity to justify further action by the Court.’[7]
Article 20, paragraph 3, specifies that, if a person has already been tried by another court, the ICC cannot try them again for the same conduct unless the proceedings in the other court:
‘(a) Were for the purpose of shielding the person concerned from criminal responsibility for crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court; or
(b) Otherwise were not conducted independently or impartially in accordance with the norms of due process recognized by international law and were conducted in a manner which, in the circumstances, was inconsistent with an intent to bring the person concerned to justice.’[8]
The Court consists of four organs: the Presidency, the Judicial Divisions, the Office of the Prosecutor, and the Registry.[31]
[edit] Presidency
The Presidency is responsible for the proper administration of the Court (apart from the Office of the Prosecutor).[32] It comprises the President and the First and Second Vice-Presidents — three judges of the Court who are elected to the Presidency by their fellow judges for a maximum of two three-year terms.[33] The current President of the Court is Philippe Kirsch.[31] Akua Kuenyehia is First Vice-President and René Blattmann is Second Vice-President.[31] All three were elected to their current terms on 11 March 2006.[32]
[edit] Judicial Divisions
Main article: Judges of the International Criminal Court
The Judicial Divisions consist of the 18 judges of the Court, organized into three divisions — the Pre-Trial Division, Trial Division and Appeals Division — which carry out the judicial functions of the Court.[34]
Judges are elected to the Court by the Assembly of States Parties.[34] They serve nine-year terms and are not generally eligible for re-election.[34] All judges must be nationals of States Parties to the Rome Statute, and no two judges may be nationals of the same state.[35] They must be “persons of high moral character, impartiality and integrity who possess the qualifications required in their respective States for appointment to the highest judicial offices”.[35]
The Pre-Trial Division (which comprises the First Vice President and six other judges)[34] confirms indictments and issues international arrest warrants. The Trial Division (the Second Vice President and five other judges) presides over trials. Decisions of the Pre-Trial and Trial Divisions may be appealed to the Appeals Division (the President and four other judges). Judges are assigned to divisions according to their qualifications and experience.[31]
[edit] Office of the Prosecutor
The Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for conducting investigations and prosecutions.[36] It is headed by the Prosecutor, who is assisted by two Deputy Prosecutors.[31] The Rome Statute provides that the Office of the Prosecutor shall act independently;[37] as such, no member of the Office may seek or act on instructions from any external source, such as states, international organisations, non-governmental organisations or individuals.[36]
The current Prosecutor is Luis Moreno-Ocampo of Argentina, who was elected by the Assembly of States Parties on 21 April 2003[38] for a term of nine years.[36]
[edit] Registry
The Registry is responsible for the non-judicial aspects of the administration and servicing of the Court.[39] This includes, among other things, “the administration of legal aid matters, court management, victims and witnesses matters, defence counsel, detention unit, and the traditional services provided by administrations in international organisations, such as finance, translation, building management, procurement and personnel”.[39]
The Registry is headed by the Registrar, who is elected by the judges to a five-year term.[31] The current Registrar is Bruno Cathala.[31]
[edit] Rights of the accused
The Rome Statute provides that all persons are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt,[40] and establishes certain rights of the accused and persons during investigations.[41] These include the right to be fully informed of the charges against him or her; the right to have a lawyer appointed, free of charge; the right to a speedy trial; and the right to examine the witnesses against him or her and to obtain the attendance and examination of witnesses on his or her behalf.
In order to ensure “equality of arms” between defence and prosecution teams, the ICC has established an independent Office of Public Counsel for the Defence (OPCD) to provide logistical support, advice and information to defendants and their counsel.[42][43] The OPCD also helps to safeguard the rights of the accused during the initial stages of an investigation.[44]
[edit] Victim participation and reparations
The Rome Statute provides for victim participation in the Court's proceedings.[45][46] Article 43(6) establishes a Victims and Witnesses Unit to provide "protective measures and security arrangements, counseling and other appropriate assistance for witnesses, victims who appear before the Court, and others who are at risk on account of testimony given by such witnesses."[47] Article 68 sets out procedures for the "Protection of the victims and witnesses and their participation in the proceedings."[48] The Court has also established an Office of Public Counsel for Victims, to provide support and assistance to victims and their legal representatives.[11]
Article 78 of the Rome Statute establishes a Trust Fund to make financial reparations to victims and their families.[49]
[edit] Relationship with the United Nations
The United Nations Security Council may refer situations to the ICC
Unlike the International Court of Justice, the ICC is legally and functionally independent from the United Nations. Nonetheless, the Rome Statute grants the UN a clear role in relation to the Court. The Security Council may refer to the Court situations that would not otherwise fall under the Court's jurisdiction (as it did in relation to the situation in Darfur, which the Court could not otherwise have prosecuted as Sudan is not a state party). Article 16 of the Rome Statute also allows the Security Council to require the Court to defer from investigating a case for a period of 12 months.[50] Such a deferral may be renewed indefinitely by the Security Council.
The Court cooperates with the UN in many different areas, including the exchange of information and logistical support.[51] The Court reports to the UN each year on its activities,[51][52] and some meetings of the Court's governing body, the Assembly of States Parties, are held at UN facilities. The relationship between the Court and the UN is governed by a “Relationship Agreement between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations”.[53][54]
The ICC's interim premises in The Hague
[edit] Headquarters and detention unit
As of 29 September 2006, the ICC’s staff consisted of 444 persons from 74 states.[11] The official seat of the Court is in The Hague, Netherlands, but its proceedings may take place anywhere.[12][55]
The Court is currently housed in interim premises on the eastern edge of The Hague.[56] A number of options are being considered for the Court's permanent headquarters; the Court is currently focusing on a proposal to construct a facility in Alexanderkazerne, on a site currently used as a Dutch army barracks near a beach on the north of The Hague.[56][57]
The ICC currently has twelve detention cells in Scheveningen, a Dutch prison near The Hague.[58] Suspects held by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia are held in the same prison and share some facilities, like the fitness room, but have no contact with suspects held by the ICC.[58] The detention unit is close to the ICC's proposed permanent headquarters in Alexanderkazerne.[59]
The ICC's detention unit currently houses two suspects: Thomas Lubanga and former Liberian President Charles Taylor.[11][60] Taylor is being tried under the mandate and auspices of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, but his trial is being held at the ICC's facilities in the Hague because of political and security concerns about holding the trial in Freetown.[61]
[edit] Situations before the Court
Summary of investigations and prosecutions by the International Criminal Court (as of 1 August 2007)
Situation Referral
(date) Investigation
opened Arrest warrants
issued Arrest
made Trial
commenced Verdict Comments
Northern Uganda
Government of Uganda
(December 2003) July 2004 Joseph Kony
Vincent Otti
Raska Lukwiya
Died 12 August 2006
Okot Odhiambo
Dominic Ongwen
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
Government of the DRC
(March 2004) June 2004 Thomas Lubanga
17 March 2006
Central African Republic (CAR)
Government of the CAR
(December 2004) May 2007
Darfur, Sudan
UN Security Council
(March 2005) June 2005 Ahmed Haroun
Ali Kushayb
Main article: Cases before the International Criminal Court
As of 1 February 2006, the Office of the Prosecutor had received 1732 communications about alleged crimes in 139 countries.[62] After initial review, however, 80% of these communications were found to be “manifestly outside the jurisdiction of the Court”.[62] The Prosecutor has so far opened investigations into just four situations: Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic and Darfur.[9]
[edit] Uganda
In December 2003, the government of Uganda, a state party, referred to the Prosecutor the situation concerning the Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda.[63] On 8 July 2005, the Court issued its first arrest warrants for the Lord's Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony, his deputy Vincent Otti, and LRA commanders Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odiambo, and Dominic Ongwen.[21] The LRA's leaders have repeatedly demanded immunity from ICC prosecution in return for an end to the insurgency,[64] and the government of Uganda has promised not to turn them over to the ICC if they sign a peace deal.[64]
[edit] Democratic Republic of Congo
In March 2004, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo, a state party, referred to the Prosecutor “the situation of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court allegedly committed anywhere in the territory of the DRC since the entry into force of the Rome Statute, on 1 July 2002.”[65][66] On 17 March 2006, Thomas Lubanga, former leader of the Union of Congolese Patriots militia in Ituri, became the first person to be arrested under a warrant issued by the court, for allegedly “conscripting and enlisting children under the age of fifteen years and using them to participate actively in hostilities”.[67]
[edit] Central African Republic
In December 2004, the government of the Central African Republic, a state party, referred to the Prosecutor “the situation of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court committed anywhere on the territory of the Central African Republic since 1 July 2002, the date of entry into force of the Rome Statute.”[68] On 22 May 2007, the Prosecutor announced his decision to open an investigation,[69][70] focusing on allegations of killing and rape in 2002 and 2003, a period of intense fighting between government and rebel forces.[71]
[edit] Darfur, Sudan
On 31 March 2005, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1593, referring “the situation prevailing in Darfur since 1 July 2002” to the Prosecutor.[72] In February 2007 the Prosecutor announced that two men — Sudanese humanitarian affairs minister Ahmad Muhammad Harun and Janjaweed militia leader Ali Kushayb — had been identified as key suspects, accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity.[73] On 2 May 2007, the Court issued arrest warrants for the two men.[74] However, Sudan says the court has no jurisdiction over this matter,[73] and refuses to hand over the suspects.[74]
[edit] Other situations
On 10 February 2006, the Prosecutor published a letter answering complaints connected with the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[75] He noted that the Court's jurisdiction in Iraq was limited to the actions of nationals of States Parties, and that he did not have authority to consider complaints about the legality of the invasion. He concluded that the available information constituted a reasonable basis to believe that a limited number of instances of wilful killing and/or inhuman treatment had occurred, but that the crimes allegedly committed by nationals of States Parties in Iraq did not appear to meet the gravity threshold required for an ICC investigation.[11]
See also: The International Criminal Court and the 2003 invasion of Iraq
[edit] Criticisms of the Court
[edit] Potential for politically motivated prosecutions
Opponents of the Court argue that there are “insufficient checks and balances on the authority of the ICC prosecutor and judges” and “insufficient protection against politicized prosecutions or other abuses”.[76] Henry Kissinger says the checks and balances are so weak that the prosecutor “has virtually unlimited discretion in practice”.[77]
[edit] Lack of due process
According to the Heritage Foundation, “Americans who appear before the court would be denied such basic constitutional rights as trial by a jury of one's peers, protection from double jeopardy, and the right to confront one's accusers.”[26]
However, Human Rights Watch argues that “the ICC has one of the most extensive lists of due process guarantees ever written”, including “presumption of innocence; right to counsel; right to present evidence and to confront witnesses; right to remain silent; right to be present at trial; right to have charges proved beyond a reasonable doubt; and protection against double jeopardy”.[78] According to David Scheffer, who led the US delegation to the Rome Conference (and who voted against adoption of the treaty), “when we were negotiating the Rome treaty, we always kept very close tabs on, ‘Does this meet U.S. constitutional tests, the formation of this court and the due process rights that are accorded defendants?’ And we were very confident at the end of Rome that those due process rights, in fact, are protected, and that this treaty does meet a constitutional test.”[79]
[edit] Inequality of arms between prosecution and defence
Thomas Lubanga's defence team say they have been given a smaller budget than the Prosecutor and that evidence and witness statements have been slow to arrive.[80]
[edit] Interference with national reconciliation processes
In the past, governments have granted amnesty to human rights abusers as part of agreements to end conflict. It is sometimes argued that these amnesties are necessary to allow the peaceful transfer of power from abusive regimes. By denying states the right to offer amnesty to human rights abusers, the International Criminal Court may make it more difficult to negotiate an end to conflict and a transition to democracy. Czech politician Marek Benda argues that “[t]he ICC as a deterrent will in our view only mean the worst dictators will try to retain power at all costs.”[81] For example, the outstanding arrest warrants for four leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army are regarded as an obstacle to ending the insurgency in Uganda.[82][83]
However, the United Nations[84] and the International Committee of the Red Cross[85] maintain that granting amnesty to those accused of war crimes and other serious crimes is a violation of international law. In any case, Article 16 of the Rome Statute allows the Security Council to prevent the Court from investigating or prosecuting a case,[50] and Article 53 allows the Prosecutor the discretion not to initiate an investigation if he or she believes that “an investigation would not serve the interests of justice”.[86]
[edit] Crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court
As noted above, some states were unhappy about the exclusion of terrorism, drug trafficking and the use of weapons of mass destruction from the Court's jurisdiction. The government of India, for example, expressed concern that “the Statute of the ICC lays down, by clear implication, that the use of weapons of mass destruction is not a war crime. This is an extraordinary message to send to the international community.”[27]
Other commentators have argued that the Rome Statute defines crimes too broadly or too vaguely. For example, China has argued that the definition of ‘war crimes’ goes beyond that accepted under customary international law.[87]
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